In 1992, the residents of Chibougamau were concerned about the economic impact of the Westminer mine’s closure. The population of Chibougamau had been in steady decline since the early 1980s, dropping from 12 000 to 9 000 inhabitants. As reported by the journalist Pierre Gingras, it was the Crees who rescued the region’s struggling economy: [TRANSLATION] “No one in Chibougamau doubts that the Crees are sustaining much of the town. The reality is, that with the gradual closure of the mines Aboriginal people have become the town’s greatest ‘natural resource’.” Chibougamau’s then mayor echoed those sentiments: “If not for the Crees, I seriously wonder what would happen to our businesses.” (Gingras 1992)
Photo credit: Paul Louwers, collection of Pierre Lepage
At the time, Chibougamau was surrounded by three Aboriginal communities: Mistissini, which had a population of around 2 300 in 1992, Waswanipi, which had just over 700 inhabitants, and the new village of Oujé-Bougoumou, then under construction, which would become home to several hundred people. It was a population with strong purchasing power (Ibid.). Many merchants understood that, and some even enrolled in Cree language courses because they were aware of the importance of satisfying this specific clientele.
A study conducted several years ago at the request of the Mashteuiatsh Band Council
It is important to underscore the valuable contribution of communities such as Wendake, near Québec City, whose businesses employed nearly 400 non-Aboriginal people in the mid-1990s. (Forum paritaire 1993) And in Les Escoumins, in 2008, 60 per cent of the 200 jobs generated by the small Innu community of Essipit were held by non-Aboriginal people from nearby villages.
These are just a few examples of the inevitable interdependence that exists between Aboriginal communities and the neighbouring communities. When Aboriginal communities develop, non-Aboriginal communities develop as well. Kepa Transport, whose head office is in Val-d’Or, is another excellent example. A leader in freight transportation in northern Québec, the company is wholly owned by the Chisasibi and Wemindji Cree communities. A dynamic company incorporated in 1987, Kepa Transport has a fleet of over 150 state-of-the-art units, more than 100 employees, mostly non-Aboriginal, including 75 professional drivers, 8 mechanics and 21 operational management and administrative employees. The company serves Cree (21%) as well as non-Cree (79%) communities and is a key player in economic development in the Abitibi-Témiscamingue region and beyond.
Kepa Transport: Truck Transport Leader, Job Creator and Regional Partner
In 2013, Kepa Transport built a new operations centre in Val-d’Or’s industrial park. A beautiful example of the use of wood in non-residential construction, the centre is the product of regional ingenuity and talent: “From the architect to the general contractor, engineer and companies specializing in roof trusses, prefabricated walls and glue-laminated wooden beams, every player in the project is from the region.” Kepa Transport’s operations centre “is another source of pride for the regional wood construction sector!” (Association forestière de l’Abitibi-Témiscamingue, 2013)
Groupe Umek, One of the Major Players in the Fishing Industry of Québec’s Upper North Shore
Following the Supreme Court of Canada’s landmark ruling in 1999 on First Nations
Thus, a person might say that they’re from the Naskapi First Nation of Kawawachikamach, or the Atikamekw First Nation of Manawan, or the Mohawk First Nation of Akwesasne, etc., identifying both the nation to which they belong and their place of origin or residence.
In Canada, there are two types of treaties with Indigenous peoples: peace and friendship treaties, and land treaties, i.e., those specifically dealing with land and land titles.
The government’s objective with land treaties was to remove obstacles to colonization and to encourage First Nations members to abandon their lands and lifestyles and assimilate.
A number of Innu communities in the Côte-Nord and Lac-Saint-Jean regions were also able to participate in commercial fisheries under the programs implemented in the wake of the Marshall decision. Today, most Innu communities own fishing boats and some are partners in several seafood processing plants. In a special edition of the Nikan newsletter devoted to commercial fisheries (October 2011), the First Nations
Groupe Umek possesses, amongst others, a crab-processing plant … which is owned in equal shares by the communities of Essipit, Pessamit and Uashat mak Mani-utenam (70%), and by a group of independent fishermen (30%). In total, the plant employs approximately 120 seasonal people; 70% are members of the different nations and Aboriginal communities…
In addition to owning the Umek processing plant, Groupe Umek owns 51% of the shares ofPêcheries Manicouagan, through which it owns four fish markets situated between Baie-Comeau and Tadoussac, and another one in Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean. The Groupe also owns 30% of the shares of les Crabiers du Nord. As regards this enterprise, in addition to the portion detained by Groupe Umek, 19% of the remaining shares belong to a group of Aboriginal fishermen, making it a 50% Aboriginal-owned business.
In 2011, Groupe Umek exported approximately 70% of its production to the United States, 15% to Québec, 10% to the rest of Canada and 5% to Asia. The same year, the biggest client of the Umek processing plant was “a well known restaurant chain in the U.S., Red Lobster.” (Idem.)